El lector ruso: Bielorrusia cinco años después

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya (al centro), Veronika Tsepkalo (a la izquierda) y Maria Kolesnikova hacen sus famosos gestos en una reunión en Minsk el 2020. © Getty Images

Alexander Lukashenko, exdirector de una granja estatal soviética convertido en dictador de Bielorrusia dijo alguna vez que jamás una mujer gobernaría su país. Entonces, tres mujeres lo desafiaron.

Cinco años después de las protestas más grandes en la historia de Bielorrusia, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya y Veronika Tsepkalo, ambas en el exilio actualmente, hablan con la BBC sobre el precio que tuvieron que pagar para inspirar a cientos de miles de bielorrusos a salir a las calles para exigir un cambio.

Maria Kolesnikova, su ex compañera de campaña, se encuentra ahora en una prisión bielorrusa, condenada  a 11 años, el 2021, por extremismo y conspiración para derrocar al gobierno.

Su hermana, Tatsiana Khomich, ha dicho a la BBC que su familia no ha tenido noticias de Maria desde el año pasado.

Las tres mujeres unieron fuerzas en agosto de 2020, cuando los candidatos de la oposición a los que apoyaban fueron obligados a retirar sus candidaturas presidenciales.

Su efímera alianza y sus imágenes mostrando un corazón, un puño y un signo de victoria con las manos estuvieron en titulares de todo el mundo

Afirman que les tomó 15 minutos ponerse de acuerdo para unir fuerzas contra Lukashenko, que se aferra al poder en Bielorrusia desde 1994.

“Fue muchísimo más rápido de lo que les tomaría a los hombres”, dijo Veronika Tsepkalo en ese momento.

Ella quedó a cargo de la campaña de su esposo, Valery Tsepkalo, después de que al ex embajador bielorruso en Estados Unidos se le prohibiera registrarse como candidato y tuviera que huir del país por temor a ser arrestado.

Maria Kolesnikova hizo campaña a favor del banquero Viktor Babaryko, a quien también se le impidió presentarse como candidato y fue arrestado antes de las elecciones.

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya es ampliamente reconocida como líder de la oposición democrática en el exilio. © BBC News Ruso

Pero fue Svetlana Tikhanovskaya quien terminó en la cédula de votación reemplazando a su esposo, el activista y popular videobloguero Sergei Tikhanovsky, después de que este también fuera encarcelado.

Juntas, las tres mujeres viajaron por todo el país, convocando  multitud de seguidores ansioso por un cambio. La promesa era sencilla: libertad para todos los presos políticos y, entonces, elecciones libres y justas.

En 2025 Svetlana Tikhanovskaya habla del “aliento emocional” que todos sintieron durante esos días.

“Logramos unir a los bielorrusos”, declaró a la BBC.

Cuando el día de las elecciones llegó, el 9 de agosto, la gente acudió en masa a las urnas. Los partidarios de Svetlana estaban convencidos de su victoria, pero Alexander Lukashenko se atribuyó un triunfo categórico.

Esto desencadenó masivas manifestaciones, sin precedentes en todo el país, que duraron varios meses. Las autoridades respondieron con una brutal represión. Al menos cuatro personas murieron, muertes que han sido atribuidas a las fuerzas de seguridad.

Pero ninguna de las tres mujeres que electrizaron la campaña electoral estaban allí para liderar las protestas.

Tsepkalo abandonó Bielorrusia justo antes de las elecciones. Tikhanovskaya fue detenida por la KGB un día después de la votación y, entonces, fue obligada a abandonar el país bajo amenaza de ser encarcelada y de que sus hijos pasaran a la tutela del Estado.

La familia de Maria Kolesnikova continúa su campaña para que todos los presos políticos sean liberados © BBC News Ruso

María Kolesnikova se quedó. Fue arrestada en septiembre tras romper su pasaporte en la frontera con Ucrania para evitar una expulsión forzosa.

Junto con su ex jefe Viktor Babaryko, es una de los más de mil presos políticos que aún permanecen detenidos en Bielorrusia según el grupo de derechos humanos Viasna.

Desde el 2020, decenas de miles de personas han sido arrestadas por oponerse al régimen y muchas afirman haber sufrido tortura y vejaciones durante su detención.

Hoy en día en Bielorrusia cualquier disidencia pública es eliminada.

“Sinceramente creí que el régimen de Lukashenko caería”, comentó  Veronika Tsepkalo a la BBC.

Al igual que cientos de miles de bielorrusos que abandonaron el país tras el 2020, ahora vive en el extranjero con su familia y trabaja en una gran empresa tecnológica del Reino Unido.

Veronika Tsepkalo ha sido premiada por su labor en defensa de los derechos de las mujeres bielorrusas. ©BBC News Ruso

Entonces, ¿qué salió mal con las protestas?

“Era una estrategia de todo o nada”, dice Tatsiana Khomich, hermana de Kolesnikova, quien ahora lidera una campaña por la liberación de los presos políticos bielorrusos. “Nos sobreestimamos y subestimamos la capacidad de las autoridades”.

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya dice que ahora entiende que no tenían ningún plan y “no estaban preparados para ningún cambio radical”.

Esta mujer, que en su día era una madre ama de casa y admitió ser tímida y carecer del carisma de su marido, ahora es reconocida como líder de la oposición democrática en el exilio y se reúne periódicamente con jefes de Estado y presiona para que se impongan sanciones contra el gobierno de Lukashenko.

«Si pudiera aplicar mis conocimientos actuales y mi experiencia de hace cinco años, sin duda me habría sentido más segura», dice Tikhanovskaya. «He aprendido algo de diplomacia, a hablar con políticos y a sentirme cómoda con personas influyentes».

Svetlana y Sergei Tikhanovsky en una conferencia de prensa tras la liberación de Sergei. © Reuters

Hace menos de dos meses, Svetlana recuperó inesperadamente a su marido: Sergei Tikhanovsky fue liberado junto con otros 13 presos políticos y enviado a Lituania con su familia.

Después de haber dicho que había ingresado en la política “por amor” a su marido, Tikhanovskaya ahora admite que desde entonces también se ha enamorado de Bielorrusia y de la visión que tiene de su país.

“No vamos a competir con Sergei sobre quién es más importante, quién tiene más seguidores, etc. Sergei encajará a la perfección en nuestro movimiento”, afirma.

Tikhanovskaya rara vez habla con Veronika Tsepkalo y en la entrevista con la BBC no quiere entrar en detalles de lo que pasó con su relación.

Tsepkalo es más sincera: acusa a su ex “compañera de armas” de secuestrar el movimiento y expulsarla.

“El trío se disolvió”, afirma Tatsiana Khomich.

Khomich, quien todavía forma parte del equipo de su hermana, dice que todas tienen sus propios proyectos ahora.

Tatsiana Khomich dice que no ha tenido noticias de su hermana este año. © BBC News Ruso

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya dice que su prioridad es trabajar por la liberación de los presos políticos y enumera como sus logros ayudar a los bielorrusos en el extranjero y mantener a Bielorrusia en la agenda internacional.

Veronika Tsepkalo se muestra escéptica ante estos éxitos y los califica de “acción por la acción”.

De regreso al equipo de su marido, ha estado haciendo campaña para llevar a Alexander Lukashenko ante la justicia internacional.

Tatsiana Khomich considera que intentar forzar un cambio de régimen desde el extranjero “no tiene sentido”.

“En realidad, ahora estamos mucho más lejos que hace cinco años”, afirma.

Tanto Tikhanovskaya como Tsepkalo creen que en algún momento en el futuro Bielorrusia será libre y democrática.

Ante las críticas de que haber puesto sus propias ambiciones por delante de las de su equipo, Tikhanovskaya responde: “Quizás eso es lo que dicen quienes no me conocen de verdad. Me gustaría que por fin celebrácemos nuevas y justas elecciones, pero, desde luego, no participaré en ellas.

Fuente: Tatsiana Yanutsevich y Tatiana Preobrazhenskaya, “Las mujeres que se enfrentaron al “último dictador” de Europa”. Lo mejor de BBC News Rusia — en inglés”, 5 de setiembre del 2025. Traducido al español por Hugo Palomino.


Kapela (ensemble) Rej es un grupo de música tradicional bielorrusa. Sus instrumentos principales son la duda (gaita bielorrusa) y el violín.

El ensemble en la grabación:

Vital Voranau: duda

Ursula Oleksiak: violín, voz

con Sergi Llena (España): tambor de marco, gaita de boto

Las grabaciones se realizaron en Serbia durante el festival Rog Banata en las ciudades de Zrenjanin (2024, pistas 1-9) y Bečej (2023, pistas 10-13). La foto de la portada del álbum fue tomada de la actuación en Belgrado el 2024 por Sandra Crepulja.

Lanzamiento: 27 de agosto de 2025

Fuente: Antonovka Records (Bandcamp). Traducido al español por Hugo Palomino.


Maria Kalesnikava, música, activista y prisionera política, fue detenida un día como hoy en 2020. Secuestrada en una calle de Minsk por las autoridades bielorrusas, fue llevada a la frontera de Bielorrusia y Ucrania para ser expulsada del país al día siguiente. Pero rompió su pasaporte y por consiguiente no pudo cruzar la frontera. El 2021, fue condenada a 11 años de prisión junto a Maksim Znak, quien recibió 10 años. Actualmente se encuentra recluida en la prisión de mujeres de Homiel.

Kalesnikava tiene mi edad y ya ha pasado cinco años de su vida en prisión. Desde febrero del 2025, María y su familia no han intercambiado cartas ni llamadas… Al menos, no está en régimen de aislamiento, sino con otras prisioneras.

Llevo un tiempo sin escribir sobre la situación política en Bielorrusia, pero no porque esta haya mejorado. No, cada día leemos sobre nuevas detenciones. Esta semana, defensores de derechos humanos han reconocido a 14 nuevos presos políticos y las autoridades han añadido 68 nombres a la llamada “lista de extremistas”. En total, sabemos ahora de 1197 presos políticos, entre ellos 32 ciudadanos extranjeros. Un caso reciente: una ciudadana británica de 52 años (que también tiene ciudadanía bielorrusa) fue detenida al entrar al país  y condenada a 7 años de prisión (https://spring96.org/en/news/118604).

Pero otros cientos de personas siguen sin ser reconocidas por diversas razones. Sin una Bielorrusia libre, no habrá paz en Europa.

Fuente: Julia Cimafiejeva (Facebook), 7 de setiembre del 2025. Traducido al español por Hugo Palomino.


Escribía ayer sobre los cinco años que llevaba ya Maria Kalesnikava en prisión y sobre los 1197 presos políticos en Bielorrusia. Y hoy nos enteramos de otra muerte.

Andrei Padniabenny, ciudadano ruso de 36 años y prisionero político ha muerto en la prisión n. 15 de Mahiloŭ. Él fue enjuiciado dos veces con acusaciones criminales y sentenciado a 16 años y ochos meses de prisión en una colonia de seguridad media. Llevaba casi cuatro años tras las rejas. Se desconoce la causa de su muerte.

Su madre Valiantsina informó en su perfil de Facebook: “Mis queridos nietos se quedan sin padre… El único consuelo que queda es que ya nadie podrá torturar a mi hijo, ni física ni psicológicamente… Creo que la justicia de Dios alcanzará a los culpables y ningún crimen quedará impune…”

Según la publicación, Andrei murió el 3 de septiembre. Esta es la novena muerte de un preso político en Bielorrusia y la segunda muerte de un ciudadano ruso tras las rejas.

Otros presos políticos que murieron en cautiverio:

Vitold Ašurak

Aleś Puškin

Mikałaj Klimovič

Vadzim Kraśko

Ihar Lednik

Dźmitry Šlethaŭer

Valancin Štermier

Alaksandr Kulinič

Fuente: Julia Cimafiejeva (Facebook), 8 de septiembre de 2025. Traducido al español por Hugo Palomino.

Belarus: Five Years Later

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya (centre), Veronika Tsepkalo (left), and Maria Kolesnikova making their signature hand gestures at a meeting in Minsk in 2020. ©Getty Images

Alexander Lukashenko, the former Soviet state farm director turned Belarus strongman, once said that a woman could never run his country. Then three of them challenged him.

Five years on from the biggest protests in Belarusian history, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya and Veronika Tsepkalo, both now in exile, have been speaking to the BBC about the price they paid for inspiring hundreds of thousands of Belarusians to take to the streets to call for change.

Their former teammate, Maria Kolesnikova, is now in a Belarusian prison, sentenced in 2021 to 11 years for extremism and plotting to overthrow the government.

Her sister Tatsiana Khomich tells the BBC the family haven’t heard from her since last year.

The three women joined forces in August 2020, when the opposition candidates they were supporting were all forced to end their presidential bids.

Their short-lived alliance made global headlines with pictures of them showing a heart, a fist, and a victory sign with their hands.

They claimed it took them 15 minutes to agree to join forces against Lukashenko, who has been in charge of Belarus since 1994.

“Far quicker than it would take men to do it,” said Veronika Tsepkalo, at the time.

She was left in charge of her husband Valery Tsepkalo’s campaign after the former Belarusian ambassador to the US was barred from registering as a candidate and fled the country fearing arrest.

Maria Kolesnikova campaigned for banker Viktor Babaryko, who was also prevented from standing and arrested ahead of the election.

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya is widely recognised as the leader of the democratic opposition in exile. © BBC News Russian

But it was Svetlana Tikhanovskaya who ended up on the ballot, stepping in for her husband, the activist and popular video blogger Sergei Tikhanovsky, after he too was thrown in jail.

Together the three women travelled around the country, drawing big crowds of supporters eager for change. Their promise was simple: release all political prisoners, then hold a free and fair election.

In 2025, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya speaks about the “emotional uplift” all of them felt during those days.

“We managed to unite Belarusians”, she tells the BBC.

When election day came on 9 August, people flocked to the polls. Svetlana’s supporters were convinced she had won the vote, but Alexander Lukashenko claimed a landslide victory.

This sparked unprecedented mass demonstrations across the country, which lasted for several months. The authorities responded with a brutal crackdown. At least four people were killed – their deaths blamed on the security forces.

But none of the three women who had electrified the campaign, were there to lead the protestors.

Tsepkalo left Belarus just before the election. Tikhanovskaya was detained by the KGB a day after the vote and forced out of the country under threat of being jailed and losing her children to state care.

Maria Kolesnikova’s family are continuing their campaign for all political prisoners to be released © BBC News Russian

Maria Kolesnikova stayed behind. She was arrested in September, after tearing up her passport at the border with Ukraine to prevent a forceful expulsion.

Along with her former boss Viktor Babaryko, she is one of more than a thousand political prisoners still held in Belarus, according to a human rights group Viasna.

Since 2020 tens of thousands of people have been arrested for opposing the regime, many say they have suffered torture and mistreatment while in detention.

Today, any public dissent in Belarus is crushed.

“I sincerely believed that Lukashenko’s regime would fall”, Veronika Tsepkalo tells the BBC.

Like hundreds of thousands of Belarusians who are estimated to have left the county after 2020, she now lives abroad with her family, working at a big tech company in the UK.

Veronika Tsepkalo has won awards for her work defending the rights of Belarusian women. ©BBC News Russian

So what went wrong with the protest movement?

“It was this all-or-nothing approach”, says Tatsiana Khomich, Kolesnikova’s sister who is now campaigning for release of Belarusian political prisoners. “We overestimated ourselves and underestimated what the authorities are capable of.”

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya says she now understands they had no plan and “weren’t ready for any radical change”.

Once a stay-at-home mum who admitted to being shy and lacking her husband’s charisma, she is now recognised as leader of the democratic opposition in exile, and regularly meets heads of state and lobbies for sanctions against Lukashenko’s government.

“If I could transfer my present knowledge, my experience to myself five years ago, I would definitely have felt more confident,” Tikhanovskaya says. “I’ve learned a bit of diplomacy, how to talk to politicians, how to be comfortable around powerful people”.

Svetlana and Sergei Tikhanovsky at a press-conference following Sergei’s release. ©Reuters

Less than two months ago Svetlana unexpectedly got her husband back: Sergei Tikhanovsky was released along with 13 other political prisoners and sent to Lithuania to his family.

It is thought that Donald Trump’s administration was key in securing their release.

Having said in the past that she went into politics “out of love” for her husband, Tikhanovskaya now admits she’s since also fallen in love with Belarus and the vision for her country.

“We’re not going to compete with Sergei about who’s more important, who has more followers et cetera. Sergei will be a natural fit for our movement,” she says.

Tikhanovskaya rarely speaks to Veronika Tsepkalo and in the interview with the BBC doesn’t want to go into details of what happened to their relationship.

Tsepkalo is more candid: she accuses her former “sister-in-arms” of hijacking their movement and pushing her out.

“The trio has broken up”, states Tatsiana Khomich.

Khomich, who is still part of her sister’s team, says all of them now have their own projects.

Tatsiana Khomich says she hasn’t heard from her sister this year. ©BBC News Russian

Svetlana Tikhanovskaya says her priority is working towards the release of political prisoners and lists helping Belarusians abroad and keeping Belarus on the international agenda as her achievements.

Veronika Tsepkalo is sceptical of these successes, calling them “action for action’s sake”.

Back in her husband’s team, she has been campaigning to bring Alexander Lukashenko to international justice.

Tatsiana Khomich thinks that trying to force regime change from abroad is “meaningless”.

“In reality, we’re now much further away from it than we were five years ago”, she says.

Both Tikhanovskaya and Tsepkalo believe at some point in the future there will be a free and democratic Belarus.

When asked to respond to criticism that she had put her own ambitions before her team, Tikhanovskaya says:

“Maybe that’s the kind of thing people who don’t really know me would say. I’d like us to finally hold new and fair elections but I certainly won’t be taking part in them.”

Source: Tatsiana Yanutsevich & Tatiana Preobrazhenskaya, “The women who stood up to Europe’s ‘last dictator,’” The Best of BBC News Russian — in English,” 5 September 2025


Kapela (ensemble) Rej is a group performing traditional Belarusian music. Their main instruments are the duda (Belarusian bagpipe) and the violin.

The ensemble on the recording:
Vital Voranaŭ: duda
Ursula Oleksiak: violin, vocals
featuring Sergi Llena (Spain): frame drum, gaita de boto

The recordings were made in Serbia during the Rog Banata festival in the towns of Zrenjanin (2024, tracks 1-9) and Bečej (2023, tracks 10-13). The album cover photo was taken at the performance in Belgrade in 2024 by Sandra Crepulja.

Released August 27, 2025

Source: Antonovka Records (Bandcamp)


Maria Kalesnikava, musician, activist, and political prisoner, was detained on this day in 2020. She was kidnapped on the Minsk street by the Belarusian authorities and the next day taken to the Belarusian-Ukrainian border to be thrown out of the country. But she tore up her passport and thus could not cross the border. In 2021, together with Maksim Znak, she was sentenced to 11 years of imprisonment (Maksim got 10 years). Now she is kept in Homiel women’s colony.

Kalesnikava is of my age, and five years of her life she has already spent in jail. Since February 2025, Maria and her family have exchanged no letters or calls… At least, she is not in solitary confinement but kept together with other female prisoners.

I’ve not been writing about the political situation in Belarus for a while, but that is not because there is some improvement. No, every day we read about new detentions. This week human rights defenders have recognized 14 new political prisoners, and the authorities have added 68 names to the so-called “extremist list”. All in all, we now know about 1197 political prisoners, 32 foreign citizens among them. A recent case: a 52-year old British citizen (she also has the Belarusian citizenship) was arrested while crossing the Belarusian border and sentenced to 7 years of prison (https://spring96.org/en/news/118604).

But still hundreds stay unrecognized because of different reasons. Without free Belarus, you won’t have peace in Europe.

Source: Julia Cimafiejeva (Facebook), 7 September 2025


Yesterday, I wrote about the five years Maria Kalesnikava had already spent in jail and about 1197 political prisoners in Belarus. And today, we’ve learned about another death.

Political prisoner Andrei Padniabenny, a 36-year-old Russian citizen, has died in Mahiloŭ penal colony No. 15. He was tried twice on criminal charges and sentenced to 16 years and eight months in a medium-security penal colony. He had been behind bars for nearly four years. The exact cause of his death is unknown.

His mother Valiantsina, reported on Facebook:

“My precious grandchildren are left without a father… The only consolation is that no one will be able to torture my son anymore, either physically or psychologically… I believe that God’s justice will reach the guilty, and no crime will go unpunished….”

According to the publication, Andrei died on September 3. This is the ninth death of a political prisoner in Belarus and the second death of a Russian citizen behind bars.

Other political prisoners who died in captivity:

Vitold Ašurak

Aleś Puškin

Mikałaj Klimovič

Vadzim Kraśko

Ihar Lednik

Dźmitry Šlethaŭer

Valancin Štermier

Alaksandr Kulinič

Source: Julia Cimafiejeva (Facebook), 8 September 2025

Sunday Reader No. 3: Languages

Haku, “奥二重で見る” 

Source: Haku (YouTube)


As a Kyrgyz woman born in the last years of the Soviet Union, I never thought twice about whether my usage of the Russian language was problematic or not — until recently when I reached out to my Ukrainian friend in Russian, and she responded to me in Ukrainian.

I have been thinking about the political aspects of language since then.

Last week I was invited to a podcast to talk about de-colonial feminism in Central Asia by a research group that does memory studies in Kyrgyzstan. There we sat in a warmly lit Bishkek studio in comfortable canary-yellow armchairs — two women of clearly Central Asian descent, with names that mean ‘honey’ and ‘worship’ in our native language, discussing whether the Soviet Union was a colonial empire, and how a more than 100-years history of Russian presence in the region has disrupted and affected the lives of peoples of Central Asia. I am making smart jokes and incisive observations, we laugh, we debate, we lament — all in Russian.

Although this language was not the main subject of our discussion, we comment in passing on it — noting how intangible colonial legacies can sometimes have a constructive element to them.

It is, of course, possible for all of us to drop the language of the colonizer, whether it’s English, French, Spanish, Russian, or Chinese — and speak our own languages, but the ease and comfort of using these when trying to communicate with people outside our cultures is just so tempting! And so then the question is whether to take offense towards the language because it happens to have been “originated” by the ‘big bad’ or to ignore that and make it our own?

Russian was the language of books that took me on journeys across galaxies, of Soviet-era films that fanned the fire of idealism in me, of finding community with other post-Soviet teenagers that, like me, had traveled to the United States as exchange students. We spent the year yell-singing Kino’s songs, making the olivier salad for a New Year’s celebration, and rooting for Evgeni Plushenko in the 2001 Winter Olympic Games in Salt Lake City.

It was the language of the early science fiction stories I wrote when I was twelve, of expressing my first heartbreak in broken poetry form, and of clumsily flirting, building alliances, or of standing up to bullies.

It is also the language of differentiation — a tool of categorizing people into social strata, both inside Russia and in the non-Russian republics during Soviet times. My own mother had been ridiculed for not speaking Russian well, considered ‘dark’ and uneducated, uncultured. To this day she gets offended when my Russian-schooled siblings sometimes laugh at the little mistakes she makes when attempting to speak it because it reminds her of how she was treated when she was younger.

Not to worry though — this is a very rare occurrence, because our mom is so strong-minded that she’s bent everyone to her will, forcing everyone to speak Kyrgyz if they wanted to be understood by her. Even our dad, who was a Russian speaker with a beautifully reverberating voice, had mastered the Kyrgyz language for our mother’s sake. My siblings too, although their attempts at translating their jokes and anecdotes from Russian into Kyrgyz for our mom sometimes backfire because they do not take into account the semantic nuances of the two languages. And despite her lack of Russian, she made a successful career in the 90s as a kommersantka — just like thousands of other women who picked up the baton when the system that was oppressing them fell — traveling by bus and train to Moscow, Minsk, Tallinn, and later by plane to Meshhed, ensuring we were never hungry or dependent on anyone.

Maybe that’s a good example of how language does not have to be a cornerstone of someone’s lived experience. Some people choose to speak the oppressor’s language, some people choose not to. As long as there’s a way of making each other understood, even by mixing words or even using gestures, it’s all good.

My Ukrainian friend was so kind and gracious when I apologized for using Russian when I reached out to her, and she sent me a beautiful voice message back in Russian. I could hear she struggled a little speaking it because, as she explained, she had not spoken it in a while. She said she didn’t mind using it to communicate with me, and that she was sorry she hadn’t learned some Kyrgyz by now because she has other Kyrgyz friends too. And I was sorry I hadn’t learned Ukrainian by now. But eventually it was Russian we exchanged these lamentations in, and the question remains open to me — whose language is it anyway?

Syinat Sultanalieva is a human rights activist and researcher from Kyrgyzstan, who writes science fiction on the side when she’s not busy dissecting power structures and dynamics in the region and the world.

Source: Syinat Sultanalieva, “Whose language is it anyway?” Two Old Grumpy Men on Ukraine, 30 March 2025


Lӓysӓn Ensemble of Yafarovo Village
Let’s Get Together Tonight: Mishar Tatar Songs from Orenburg Region

The Mishars are an ethnic subgroup of Tatars. They have their own dialect and their own culture. The main part of the Mishars live in the Middle Volga region and the Urals.

Yafarovo is a Mishar village located in the Aleksandrovsky district of the Orenburg region.

Lӓysӓn Ensemble members: Alfiya Asyaeva, Ramilya Adigamova, Alfinur Dibaeva, Elmira Mishina, Lira Salikhova, Laysen Fatkulina, Fairuza Shabaeva, Nurshida Yusupova, Gulsina Yusupova, Liliya Yakshigulova, Rishat Asyaev (button accordion player).

The ensemble’s leader is Alfinur Dibaeva.

Recorded in the House of Culture of the village of Aleksandrovka on November 18, 2024.

Released February 22, 2025

Source: Antonovka Records (Bandcamp)


Izhevsk long ago nabbed Tula’s de facto title as Russia’s arms manufacturing capital: the Kalashnikov Concern is headquartered there, producing shells, assembling drones, and making rifles. But in a seemingly parallel reality amid the rumble of the factories, young Izhevskers have opened an independent bookstore, and they have also been translating the Udmurt avant-garde of the twenties into Russian and publishing literary magazines. Who are these young people? And how was all of it possible?

“We’ll be having a children’s New Year’s party in there”

Five years ago, Albert Razin, an Udmurt activist and patriot, set himself on fire in the capital of Udmurtia, on the square outside the republic’s State Council building. Razin held a placard featuring a quotation from Rasul Gamzatov: “And if tomorrow my language disappears, I am willing to die today.”

In late 2024, I lived in Izhevsk a stone’s throw away from the spot where Razin had burned on behalf of the Udmurt language. It is the very heart of the city: the Eternal Flame, the republic’s government house, the opera house, a Rostic’s fast-food restaurant, the residence of the head of Udmurtia, and the Kuzebay Gerd National Museum are nearby.

Gerd (a pseudonym meaning “knot” in Udmurt; Gerd’s birth name was Kuzma Chaynikov) was a poet, folklorist, and probably the most important Udmurt of the twentieth century. In 1932, he was arrested along with other prominent members of Soviet Finno-Ugric ethnic groups as part of the fabricated SOFIN Case. [SOFIN was the acronym of the fictitious “Union for the Liberation of Finnish Peoples” — TRR.] The poet was accused of plotting to get Udmurtia and other autonomies to secede from the Soviet Union and establish a Finno-Ugric federation under the protectorate of Finland. Kuzebay was shot in 1937 at Sandarmokh in Karelia. He was exonerated in 1958.

The Gerd Museum’s website advertises a separate exhibition dedicated to the Udmurt national poet. The museum is located in the building of the former arsenal. The entrance to the main exhibit is on Kuzebay Gerd Square, where twenty years ago a monument to the poet was erected. Perched on a rock, a quite youthful Gerd gazes thoughtfully at the former military warehouse. He is writing a poem, apparently.

I am all alone at first, but schoolchildren wearing blue ties later come running into the museum. A museum worker, dressed in a traditional costume adorned with a monisto necklace, greets the children in Udmurt — Chyrtkemesi! — but she immediately switches to Russian and talks about the pre-Petrine history of Udmurtia, that is, before Izhevsksy Zavod (the name of the settlement which preceded city) arose in these parts. Count Peter Shuvalov built an ironworks there with the permission of the Empress Elizabeth. A little later, Izhevsk became the Russian Empire’s virtual arms capital (no offense to Tula).

The rooms I have visited recount this history as well as a little bit of Soviet history (artisanal carpets are intermingled with IZh motorcycles and cars — a total delight!), but I cannot go any further.

“But where is the Kuzebay Gerd section?” I wonder aloud.

“Ah, you wanted to see it?” responds the docent. “Unfortunately, it is impossible at the moment. It was in the room next to the ticket office, but it has been temporarily moved to the warehouse. We’ll be having a children’s New Year’s party in there.”

“Nobody the whole day”

Kuzebay Gerd is to Udmurtia what Pushkin is to Russia. One of the creators of the modern Udmurt language, Gerd also lived a very short life, thirty-nine years (five of them in Stalin’s camps). But over those years he wrote hundreds of articles, poems, plays, and prose works which became the foundation of the living Udmurt language.

The writer gained genuine recognition only during perestroika, and it is only recently that streets and museums have been named in Gerd’s honor and his legacy has been studied anew.

Sonya, a clerk at Kuzebay Bookstore, puts up an event flyer.

Kuzebay’s cheerful face can now be seen on posters, lapel pins, and even as an emoji on Telegram. The only independent bookstore in Izhevsk, and maybe in the whole of Udmurtia, bears his name — Kuzebay Bookstore.

Like its spiritual forebear, Kuzebay Bookstore thrives in spite of its circumstances. Today, it is an absolutely metropolitan store that is no shabbier than Vse Svobodny in Petersburg or Falanster in Moscow: Kuzebay stocks the same books on its shelves, and it has the same friendly vibe. But Kuzebay opened a year before the quarantine. Back then, it occupied a small corner at the Center for Contemporary Dramaturgy and Directing. Les Partisans Theater, in which the store’s co-founders, German and Ksenia Suslov acted, was also based there. Kuzebay achieve relative stability in early 2022, after moving to its current location.

The Kuzebay Gerd Museum in the village of Bolshaya Gurez-Pudga, Udmurtia. The museum is located in a hut next door to the local school.

“We were a quite small operation during the covid, so we didn’t give a shit whether we shut down or not,” recounts German Suslov. “We were open for deliveries. Back then, the state still paid me twelve thousand [rubles a month] for the fact that I was my own sole employee. I was like, Great, money’s coming in, cool beans. Things have somehow been growing ever since.”

German even now regularly works as a salesclerk and is awfully good at cleverly persuading people who stop by for the latest detective novel by Darya Dontsova to buy family sagas from House of Stories publishers. But the first person I meet in the store is Gosha, a tall thin salesclerk who looks like a Viking sporting a tiny cap. He sits in a cozy swing chair, playing chess on his phone. He is the only soul in the store.

German Suslov, co-owner of Kuzebay Bookstore and editor-in-chief of Luch magazine, at work.

“Is it so empty often?” I ask as I peruse Mushroom Kingdom, a wacky book by local artist Andrei Kostylev, better known as Bi-jo.

“Not nowadays, but it used to happen,” says Gosha. “This one [female salesclerk] and I even had a competition to see who had fewer people stop by the store in a day. It was a draw: zero.”

“No one at all for an entire day?”

“Yeah, it was winter, so not a single person came in. But there are always people coming in now. And even if there are no sales at the store, there are sales on Ozon almost every day.”

“The worst thing is poetry readings”

German shows up at Kuzebay about half an hour late for our interview. He is in a terrible rush, as always. The Moscow Non/Fiction Book Fair is coming up: Kuzebay is supposed to represent the publishing house and the store, and we have to send the books out in time. We pull a few boxes out of the car together, while Gosha sits down to check the books and put stickers on them. Like the many-armed Shiva, German simultaneously supervises the process, does the interview, eats a flatbread from the Tatar bazaar, pours tea for everyone, and chats with the customers who do come in.

German Suslov and Andrei Gogolev in the storage room of Kuzebay Bookstore

German has always been an energetic multi-tasker. Although he is not yet thirty, he has been a prominent figure in Izhevsk’s cultural scene for nearly ten years. He used to be an actor at the local independent theater Les Partisans, which exists to this day. But his restless nature needed something else besides theater and the history program at Udmurt State University.

“And so, I thought: the craving for theater, music, cinema was instilled in me by older comrades,” says German simply. “But what were my interests before the theater? I wrote poetry. So, I had to get into the business of poetry. And I quickly realized that no one here was doing poetry seriously.”

According to German, the literary scene in Izhevsk was rather fragmented ten years ago. There were no decent places for young people to publish and perform their work. After graduating from college, many people left for the big cities.

In St. Petersburg, a whole generation of young poets from Izhevsk emerged all at once in the early twenty-teens, including Tatiana Repina, Pyotr Bersh, Ilya Voznyakov, and Grigory Starovoitov, all of whom I know personally. Most of the members of that scene gave up writing poetry a long time ago, although Tanya Repina has achieved some fame, and my friend Petya Bersh continues to write and perform.

“When I left in the early teens, nothing was happening in Izhevsk at all. There were no prospects,” Petya, who returned to his homeland in 2022, told me. “Everything has changed now, of course, and Kuzebay has played no small role in that.”

There was no Kuzebay Bookstore at first, though. In 2016, five actors from Les Partisans dreamed up the PoetUP Contemporary Poetry HQ to consolidate Udmurtia’s most interesting poets, give them a venue, and relaunch the literary scene in Izhevsk.

“The worst thing you can imagine is an open mic poetry reading. It’s hell on earth,” says German, laughing. “And even worse is an open mic poetry reading in Izhevsk with no prescreening at all. So, what did we do in 2016? We started selecting and inviting people. Yes, we would have embarrassing events too, but far fewer. What mattered was what we were striving for. We did not want it to happen that one person would read and all his friends would get up and leave when he finished.”

[…]

Excerpted from: Ilya Semyonov (text) and Natalya Madilyan (photos), “Why does a star gurgle?” Takie Dela, 23 January 2025. Translated by the Russian Reader. I would like to finish translating this fascinating long article (this is the first quarter of it) and publish it in its entirety on this website, but that would take a lot of time and hard work. In the real world, where I have worked as professional freelance translator for nearly thirty years, I would charge 600 to 850 euros to translate this article if someone commissioned me to do it. If you would like to support my work in general and read this article in full, please donate to me via PayPal (avvakum@gmail.com) or Venmo (@avvakum). If you cannot afford to donate money right now, you can help my cause by sharing my work on social media and with friends. Thank you!


Haku, Cover企画】MONO NO AWARE “かむかもしかもにどもかも!”

Source: Haku (YouTube)

The Betrayal of Ukraine: Week 2

No, we don’t.

Tomorrow in Ukraine, Russian soldiers will attack Ukrainians. Russian drones and bombs and rockets will target Ukrainian homes. A criminal war of aggression will continue.

Tomorrow in Saudi Arabia, Russian officials will discuss the future of Ukraine with a handful of Americans, delegated by a president who sympathizes with the Russian view of the war. The Russians will have the luxury of talking about Ukraine without the presence of Ukrainians.

The headlines are about “peace negotiations.” But what is really going on? How should we think about this unusual encounter in Saudi Arabia?

Here are ten suggestions, drawn from years on working on relations among the three countries, and from some recent personal observations at the Munich Security Conference.

1. Be critical of the words on offer. Question the word “peace.” The term used in the media is “peace negotiations.” The United States and Russia are not at war. Russia is at war with Ukraine, but Ukraine is not invited to these talks. Russian authorities, for their part, do not generally speak of peace. They present the talks with the United States as a geopolitical coup, which is not the same thing. The highest Russian officials have repeatedly stated that their war aims in Ukraine are maximalist, including the destruction of the country. Informed observers generally take for granted that Russia would use a ceasefire to distract the United States and Europe, demobilize Ukraine, and attack again. This is not a plan that the Russians are working very hard to disguise. It is a simple point, but always worth making: there could indeed be peace tomorrow in Ukraine, if Russia simply removed its invasion force.

Continue reading “The Betrayal of Ukraine: Week 2”

Young Flowers: Music of Kazakhs from Orenburg Region

There are about 600,000 Kazakhs living in Russia, and they are the tenth [largest ethnic group in] the country in terms of population. Most of the Russian Kazakhs are indigenous to the regions located along the Russia-Kazakhstan border. This border is the second longest in the world after the US-Canada border.

In the Adamovsky District of the Orenburg Region, Kazakhs make up a third of the total population. “Young Flowers” is a translation of “Zhas Gulem” (“Jas Gülim” in correct modern Kazakh Latin), the name of an ensemble from the district center led by Amanzhol Ismukhambetov. The group and other local musicians mainly interpret common Kazakh folk songs.

Performers (on the album cover photo from top to bottom left to right):
Amanzhol Ismukhambetov (apart from the ensemble) — tracks 7, 8, 10
Turebek Makashev (Belopolye village) — 5, 11–14
Mukhtar Tulkubaev — 10
Raziya Zhakupova — 1
Zhas Gulem Ensemble — 4, 6, 9
Kusem Village Choir — 2, 3

Recorded in the Adamovka House of Culture.

Released November 22, 2024

Source: Antonovka Records (Bandcamp)

Terribly Far

This is the premiere of Terribly Far, a new program by Lyudmila Savitskaya.

We will talk about what is happening to people who are terribly far from Moscow and St. Petersburg. Who are terribly far from the congresses, conferences and conflicts of opposition leaders. Who are terribly far even from popular YouTube channels and shows. Who are also terribly far even from Telegram.

Why does this matter? It matters because otherwise we won’t understand how the country got to this point and why some Russians volunteer to fight in the war.

In this episode, you’ll learn what worries Russians more than Prigozhin’s rebellion, why the Baltic Sea in Kaliningrad is becoming bloody, in which city it is easiest to encounter wild bears on the streets, and the job you have to land to make a dream salary of 8,000 rubles [approx. 80 euros] a month.

00:10  Why this program is needed

02:05 “We support the president, but where is the water?!” On Prigozhin and the water in Kostroma

06:06 There is no money to pay mail carriers in Buryatia

09:26 People in Kaliningrad are trying to save the Baltic Sea from pig’s blood

12:44 People in Tomsk are fleeing from bears on the streets

15:20 Taxis in Penza risk sinking underwater even after a normal rain shower

16:18 Why all this matters even in wartime

Subscribe to our channel, where we talk about the problems of ordinary people. And if you live beyond the Moscow Ring Road and are facing trouble right now, write to us at:

strashnodaleki@gmail.com

We will definitely tell our viewers about it. Because we do care.

Source: “Terribly Far No. 1: Pigs vs. People | Prigozhin and Hot Water | Bears on the Streets,” Open Media (YouTube), 7 July 2023. In Russian, with Russian captions. Annotation translated by the Russian Reader

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The Usvyaty District of the Pskov Region belongs to the ethnographic area known as Poozerye (Lakeland). There used to be many folk musicians there, the most famous of whom was the singer Olga Sergeeva (1922-2002).

Ekaterina Trusova (maiden name Kozintseva, tracks 1-7) is a garmon (Russian button accordeon) player living in Usvyaty. She was recorded at the Usvyaty House of Culture on December 12, 2021.

The other two musicians featured on this album belong to a previous generation and were recorded by Ekaterina herself in the 1990s on a home cassette tape recorder. The cassettes were digitized by Alexander Yuminov (KAMA Records) in 2022.

Sofya Rubisova (tracks 8-13) is a folk singer from the village of Sterevnevo, Usvyaty District.

Dmitry Kozintsev (tracks 14-17) is Ekaterina’s father, a garmon player from the village of Pysi. Unfortunately, the recordings of him are of poor quality, as the tape in the cassette turned upside down. But we still decided to include them in the album.

Another album from the area, from the village of Tserkovishchi, can be found here.

Source: Antonovka Records (Bandcamp), 8 July 2023. I’ve lightly edited the original annotation to make it more readable. ||| TRR

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Branded “foreign agent,” Yaroslavl media outlet announces closure

YARNOVOSTI announced it was suspending its work on July 7. The publication had been running for over ten years. It covered the inhabitants of Yaroslavl, corruption, problems with public amenities, and politics.

In June, the Justice Ministry had declared YARNOVOSTI a “foreign agent.” None of its employees agreed to work under this label. The editors said that during its entire existence it had not received “a kopeck” of foreign funding.

“Of course, we expected to continue working, but, as Vladimir Putin said, nothing lasts forever. We are still getting to the bottom of what happened on June 2: we have made all possible and even impossible inquiries, and have drawn up the paperwork for the court,” the media outlet’s editorial team wrote.

Source: 7 x 7 (Telegram), 7 July 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader. As of this writing, YARNOVOSTI seems to have shut down its website, but its page on VKontakte is still functioning. In its latest post there, published on 7 July 2023, it informed readers of the decision to suspend its work.

Made in Noviny: Songs of Golendra People from Siberia

The Golendras (Olendry, Holendry) of Siberia are a unique people. They originate from Germany or even Holland, to which their name alludes. In former times they lived in Poland, eventually ending up in the western part of the Russian Empire — approximately where the borders of Poland, Belarus and Ukraine now meet, near the Western Bug River.

The Golendras are Lutherans by religion, their prayer book is in Polish and they have German surnames. They adopted a mixture of Polish, Ukrainian and Belarusian as their language. Their songs are sung in this dialect. During the Stolypin agrarian reforms, a part of the Golendras moved to the Irkutsk Region in Siberia, where they founded settlements — Zamusteche (Zamóstecze, whose modern name is Pikhtinsky), Novyny (Nowyny, whose modern name is Srednepikhtinsky) and Dagnik (its name has not changed).

Kvitochka (Kwitoczka, “Little Flower”) Ensemble emerged in 2005 at the Srednepikhtinsky House of Culture. It has the status of a family band, since all the participants are relatives to various degrees.

The ensemble members (on the album cover photo from left to right):

1. Nina Kunz
2. Valentina Zelent
3. Irina Prokopyeva
4. Larisa Bendik
5. Svetlana Ludwig
6. Olga Kunz
7. Elena Vas. Ludwig
8. Vera Kunz
9. Elena Vlad. Ludwig (leader)
10. Natalya Ludwig

The original song titles are given in their Polish spelling.

The names of the older generation people, thanks to whom these songs have been preserved: Emma Pastrik, Anelia Gildebrant, Alvina Zelent, Natalya Kunz, Zuzanna Ludwig, Elizaveta Gildebrant, Adolf Kunz, Alvina Kunz, Bronislava Ludwig, Ivan Zelent.

Recorded at the Srednepikhtinsky House of Culture on July 7, 2022, except for tracks 1 and 26, which were recorded in Dagnik on July 8, 2022, and performed by Anatoly Ludwig.

Thanks to Elena Ludwig, the whole ensemble, Lyudmila Gerda, Natalya Dmitrieva, Lyubov Vasilchenko, and Iwan Strutynski.

Source: Antonovka Records (Facebook), 17 February 2023. I have lightly edited the original liner notes for clarity and readability. ||| TRR


THE BAIKAL DUTCH: WHO ARE THEY?

A people called the Golendry (translated presumably as “Hollanders,” “Dutch”) has been living in the remote Siberian taiga for more than a century. The people speaks a mix of Belarusian and Ukrainian, prays in Polish, and has German surnames. They live in the Zalari District of Irkutsk Region and are a true cultural phenomenon. Key to Baikal will tell you what kind of people they are and how they got here.

The History of the Golendry

Several dozen families of Golendry moved to Siberia from the Bug River basin at the beginning of the 20th century, during Stolypin’s agrarian reforms. Back then, the place of the people’s residence was a part of the Russian Empire, but now the territory encompasses the borderlands of Belarus, Ukraine and Poland. There are two explanations of the origins of the word golendry. This term emerged in the early seventeenth century: the Dutch identified themselves in similar fashion (hollandi in Latin). The other explanation is based on the word gautland, meaning a developed land (paseka in Polish), a settlement on deforested land, established by colonists who were called golendry (that is, “stumpers” or “woodcutters,” not “Dutch”). The researcher Eduard Byutov came up with a serious argument against the second explanation, saying that these people were the members of a Dutch community living under “Dutch law” and observing Dutch culture. Byutov emphasized the fact that, in medieval Poland, the social stratum of peasants were called golendry (olendry), and the settlers possessed a special social and legal status. Thus, the term olendry is derived from a lexeme with the same meaning as the ethnonym for “Dutch” in Polish. It was used to designate a special social group of mixed ethnic composition.

Perhaps the truth is somewhere in the middle, because the term golendry never served to designate any particular ethnic group. From the very beginning it meant a special social group of mixed ethnic composition. Nevertheless, the ethnic composition of this social group evidently included the Dutch, because many of their cultural elements point tto this.

By the beginning of the twentieth century the Golendry had retained their distinctive identity, which differed from neighboring peoples: despite the fact that they spoke local dialects, their religion was different from the surrounding population. They were Lutherans, unlike the Catholic Poles and the Orthodox Belarusians and Ukrainians.

A part of the Golendry migrated to Siberia, primarily due to the lack of land. The settlers gave old names to their new places of residence: Zamusteche, Novyna and Dakhny, in memory of those times when they lived on the Bug. The villages were renamed in Soviet times (now they are known as Pikhtinsk, Srednepikhtinsk and Dagnik).

It is curious that no one was particularly interested in the Pikhtinsk Golendry before the early 1990s. Only in the 1930s and during the Great Patriotic War did their obviously German names and surnames attract the attention of state authorities, which led to certain consequences. Luckily, however, the Golendry were not deported (because they already lived in the taiga) and were not shot. During peacetime, the Golendry were little different from other Soviet people, except that the two Pikhtinsk collective farms consistently produced high yields, year after year. In the 1970s they were doing so well that former residents of Pikhtinsk returned to their native villages from the cities: they built a branch of a clothing factory, a bakery, and a post office there. There were three large elementary schools for the three villages, a rural medical station, shops, and a kindergarten. After perestroika, their prosperity came to an end, however, and the residents of Pikhtinsk once again moved back to the cities. Nowadays, the number of people registered in the villages is larger than that of people actually living there, and the number of inhabitants of these settlements decreases every year.

Фото
“The Home of the Golender Gimborg, 1912”

Emptying villages are a widespread phenomenon in Russia, with only one difference: the Golendry are famous now; they will not disappear into obscurity. By the way, the Golendry were “discovered” by scholars by pure accident, thanks to their houses. In 1993-1994, the Irkutsk Central Commission for the Preservation of Historical and Cultural Heritage visited these remote taiga villages and paid due attention to the unconventional architecture of the buildings in Pikhtinsk, Srednepikhtinsk and Dagnik. The architecture entailed an exploration of the rest of their culture, and the Golendry were declared a “sensation.”

Customs and traditions

Two museums were established in Srednepikhtinsk: these let people have a look inside a real Golendry house without disturbing their personal space. According to the Lutheran faith of the Golendry, they worship in Polish using the Bible and prayer books. The old people are more religious, while the young people are less so: the situation is common today. So, the holy books in Polish, exhibited in the museums, are now read only by old people, and even not all of those old people can read them. It is curious that the Golendry use the Julian calendar, just like Orthodox people.

The Lutheran Golendry do not have a tradition of regularly visiting cemeteries and taking care of graves. However, the Russian traditions have gradually come to predominate: elaborate headstones have been erected on some graves of the Pikhtinsk Golendry, and the relatives of the deceased can sometimes be seen at the cemetery. Nevertheless, you should not go to the cemetery of the Golendry out of idle curiosity: the residents of Pikhtinsk hate it when someone disturbs the peace of the dead.

The Lutheran Golendry never had any churches of their own in Siberia. They prayed at home in the old days, and still do so now. There is a Lutheran prayer hall in Irkutsk, and the local pastor periodically visits the residents of Pikhtinsk. However, the main rite — baptism — is conducted not by a pastor, but by a local resident. The residents of Pikhtinsk themselves find it difficult to answer why they chose that person exactly. Most likely, because he is a pious man and is respected by everyone. In addition, waiting for the pastor to come or taking the babies to Irkutsk is simply inconvenient.

The museums illustrate the wedding ceremony in great detail: The Golendry still celebrate their weddings in keeping with the old traditions. A cap, the most memorable detail of the local women’s attire, is also associated with the wedding. Women wear a cap instead of a veil on the second day of marriage. There is also a tradition of burying women with their cap on. During the rest of the time the capes are no longer worn, except that they can be worn for tourists.

If you want to get acquainted with the life and traditions of the Golendry, you will have to drive almost 300 kilometers from Irkutsk, or take a train to Zalari Station and then travel the remaining 93 kilometers to Srednepikhtinsk. After this people was “discovered,” it became much easier to get to the places where it resides, but one should book a tour and overnight stay in advance.

Source: Key to Baikal. I have edited the original article for clarity and readability. ||| TRR

Agronom Yurri: Songs of Chuvash People from Siberia

90th release from Antonovka Records

Chuvash villages appeared in Russia’s Irkutsk Province during the Stolypin agrarian reforms at the beginning of the 20th century. Later, many Chuvash went there immediately after World War II. The songs on the album are mainly from the latter period.

Kukkuk Ensemble (“Cuckoo” in Chuvash, tracks 1-9) was formed in the village of Tagna in the Zalarinsky Dstrict. Its members range in age from 22 to 56.

Upper photo on the album cover, from left to right:
1. Marina Matveeva (leader)
2. Tatyana Vinogradova
3. Anastasia Vinogradova
4. Elena Avramenko
5. Olga Smirnova
6. Elena Dasheeva

The members of the duo The Belkovy Sisters (tracks 10-17) were born in the village of Uspensky-3 in the neighboring Ziminsky District. The duo is named after their mother’s maiden name. Nadezhda now lives nearby in the village of Maslyanogorsk, while Veronika lives in the city of Irkutsk. Nadezhda is a teacher of the Chuvash language, while Veronika is the chair of the Chuvash national cultural organization Yultash.

Part of the sisters’ repertoire (tracks 10, 14, 15) consists of popular Russian folk songs translated into Chuvash. The “Young Agronomist Song” was translated locally in Siberia and is a hallmark of the duo.

Lower photo on the album cover, from left to right:
1. Nadezhda Fidikova
2. Veronika Timofeeva

Recorded on July 9, 2022, in the House of Culture of the Village of Srednepikhtinsky, Zalarinsky District, Irkutsk Region, Russia.

Thanks to Veronika and all the performers, as well as Elena Ludwig, Lyudmila Gerda, and Natalia Dmitrieva.

Source: Antonovka Records (Facebook), 22 January 2023. The liner notes, above, have been edited slightly for clarity’s sake.

Khudain Gol: Voices of the Kuda Valley

 
88th release from Antonovka Records
 
Buryats are a native people of the Republic of Buryatia, the Irkutsk region and the Transbaikal region. The Irkutsk Region (Russian: oblast) consists of 32 districts (Russian: rayons), six of which form the Ust-Orda Buryat Autonomous Area (Russian: okrug) with the capital in the village of Ust-Ordynsky (Ust-Orda). Thus, in the administrative structure, the okrug has an intermediate position between the region and the district. From 1990 to 2008, however, it was a separate subject of the Russian Federation equal in status to a region. In 2008 the status was downgraded.
 
The Khudain Gol (“Kuda Valley” in Buryat) Ensemble was founded in Ust-Orda in 1986. The band performs folk songs of the local Buryats in their own arrangements. The leader is Nina Baldynova, the choirmaster is Bayar Zhambalov.
 
On the album cover photo, from left to right:
1. Irina Yatogurova: vocals
2. Bayar Zhambalov: vocals, chanza (10, 11)
3. Victoria Khakhalova: vocals
4. Nina Baldynova: vocals
5. Andrey Banzaraktsaev: vocals, solo vocals (10)
6. Nina Baldaeva: vocals
7. Elena Barkhunova: vocals
8. Alexander Mantatov: vocals, solo vocals (11)
9. Victoria Mandanova: vocals
10. Albina Makhasoeva: vocals
11. Alexander Tsybenov: vocals
 
The Buryat song titles are written as given by the performers and may differ slightly from the literary version.
 
Recorded on July 18, 2022 at the Ust-Ordynsky House of Culture, Ust-Orda Buryat Autonomous Area, Irkutsk Region, Russia.
 
Thanks to Irina Molotkova, the ensemble, Lyudmila Gerda, and Natalya Dmitrieva.
 
 
Source: Antonovka Records, Facebook, 8 January 2023
 
 
 

Erkhuu Khoto: Songs of Buryats from Irkutsk

83rd release from Antonovka Records

Erkhuu Khoto is the Buryat name for the city of Irkutsk, in which khoto means “city.” Buryats are the indigenous people of this area.

The Ayanga Ensemble (ayanga means “melody” in Buryat) was founded in 1998, the leader is Tsybigmit Damdinzhapova.

The band performs mainly songs of the Irkutsk Buryats, some of which were directly inherited from their ancestors. For example, Evgenia Baldynova learned song 4 from her grandfather. And song 5 was passed on to Petr Saganov from his grandmother Lilia Zhebadaeva, who, in turn, learned it from her grandfather Danchi Nikolaev, born in 1875. And Evgenia and Peter are the oldest (86 years old) and the youngest (27 years old) members of Ayanga respectively.

Some of the ensemble participants moved to Irkutsk from Buryatia and Transbaikal, so particular songs come from there. For example, Onon is a river in Transbaikal Territory.

Ayanga Ensemble (from left to right on the album cover photo):
1. Oyuna Chimitova — vocals
2. Khanda Bazarova — vocals
3. Valentina Bardakhanova — vocals
4. Petr Saganov — vocals, solo vocals (5, 13)
5. Rinchin-Khanda Lubsanova — vocals, solo vocals (12, 16), vocals in duo (9)
6. Olga Radnaeva — vocals, solo vocals (10)
7. Tatyana Turmakova — vocals, solo vocals (7)
8. Eduard Khalzanov — vocals, vocals in duo (6)
9. Tsybigmit Mitupovna Damdinzhapova — vocals, solo vocals (11, 14, 17), vocals in duo (9)
10. Evgenia Baldynova — vocals, solo vocals (15)
11. Zinaida Egnaeva — vocals, vocals in duo (6)
12. Alla Dmitrieva – vocals
13. Svetlana Inchizhinova – vocals

The calligraphic inscription on the cover is the name of the ensemble written in Old Mongolian script by Rinchin-Khanda Lubsanova.

The Buryat song titles are written as given by the performers and may differ slightly from the literary version.

Recorded in Irkutsk on July 3, 2022.

Thanks to Tsybigmit and the ensemble, Sergey Shotkinov, Lyudmila Gerda, Natalya Dmitrieva.

Source: Antonovka Records, Facebook, 11 December 2022