President Duntsova Addresses the Nation

Journalist and politician Yekaterina Duntsova, whose candidacy in the upcoming presidential election was rejected by the Russian Central Election Commission (the Russian Supreme Court later upheld this decision), released a New Year’s address on Instagram.

“I promise you that I will do everything that depends on me to return our country’s life to a normal direction without special operations and political crackdowns, with a government accountable to us that will work to grow the economy and improve the well-being of ordinary families,” she said, wishing that 2024 would bring Russians “self-confidence, long-awaited peace, and more basic human happiness.”

Duntsova said that the New Year is “when we live in peace with ourselves and our neighbors,” and people who are dear to us are with us, and not “somewhere far away, risking their lives performing missions whose purpose cannot be explained to us.”

Duntzova also promised that the new political party she announced earlier would be “an association of people who just want to live peacefully.”

Source: Deutsche Welle Russian Service. Translated by the Russian Reader. This post was made possible by a generous donation from Sumanth Gopinath.


On 27 December 2023, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dismissed the suit filed by Yekaterina Duntsova, a journalist from Rzhev, against the Russian Central Election Commission (CEC), which had refused to register Duntsova’s initiative group for collecting signatures in support of her run as an independent candidate for the Russian presidency.

Duntsova was thus practically left with no chance to run in next year’s presidential elections as an independent. DW has compiled all the most important facts we know about her.

A screenshot of the landing page on Yekaterina Duntsova’s campaign website, which is still up and running.

What we know about Yekaterina Duntsova

Ekaterina Duntsova is forty years old. She was born in Krasnoyarsk. She graduated from high school in Rzhev, Tver Region. She has two university degrees, in law and journalism. Duntsova studied law at Tver State University and also studied directing at the St. Petersburg State Institute of Cinema and Television. Russian state media note that she studied at both universities by correspondence.

Duntsova works as a journalist and is the coordinator of the Sova (“Owl”) volunteer search and rescue team in Rzhev. On the Web, many people refer to her as “radio operator Kat” — that’s Duntzova’s call sign on the team. Many liberal internet users have compared her with ex-Belarusian presidential candidate Svetlana Tikhanovskaya. State media have dubbed Duntsova “the fugitive oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s pet project.”

In 2003, Duntsova worked for about a year at the Rzhev municipal television company, then for many years headed the school television studio Friday the 13th and was editor-in-chief at RIT Independent Studio, a television company founded in 2003 by Duntsova’s husband Roman Nagoryansky. RIT closed in 2022. Duntsova has three children: two daughters and a son. The eldest daughter is studying in Tokyo. Duntsova and her husband separated in 2021.

In 2014, Duntsova ran as an independent for a seat in the sixth Rzhev City Duma but failed to win. Duntsova served in the seventh Rzhev City Duma, which sat between 2019 and 2022.

How Duntsova announced her run for the Russian presidency

On 16 November 2023, Duntsova announced on VKontakte that she would run as a candidate in the Russian presidential election and unveiled her campaign website, duntsova2024.ru. At the time of her nomination, she was the only woman to declare her desire to compete for the Russian presidency.

Duntsova’s candidacy was supported by Our Headquarters, a project created by the staff of Ark, a support group for Russians who have left the country over the war with Ukraine (in cooperation with the Russian Anti-War Committee). Posts about Duntsova’s nomination went out on many Telegram channels.

Duntsova explained her decision to run for president by arguing that “for the last ten years the country has been moving in the wrong direction: we have been pursuing a policy not of growth but of self-destruction.” Duntsova said she favors an end to the war in Ukraine, democratic reforms, and the release of political prisoners, particularly Alexei Navalny. “We have to abolish all inhumane laws and restore relations with the outside world. We have to change budget priorities by spending money on improving the lives of citizens, not on new tanks,” she noted.

“Why Yekaterina Duntsova was not allowed to run in the election,” Deutsche Welle Russian Service, 23 December 2023

At the same time, the journalist was cautious in her comments about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. “Unfortunately, I cannot afford to delve deeply into this topic while I am in Russia,” she said. In order to remain on the right side of the law, she said that she would refer to the fighting in Ukraine as the “special military operation.” For the same reason, Duntsova declined to comment on the fate of the annexed territories in a future possible peace deal between Russia and Ukraine.

And yet, Duntsova argued that Russians should shed their “collective guilt complex.” She also avoided direct criticism of Vladimir Putin, stressing that she did not want to get personal, adding, however, that “it is possible to criticize the policies of the current government, it is possible to criticize certain laws and decisions made.”

Duntsova’s nomination campaign

On November 20, Duntsova was summoned to the prosecutor’s office in Rzhev to discuss the social media post about her intentions to run for the Russian presidency. “They asked what I thought about the [special military operation]. I invoked Article 51 of the Russian Constitution [which stipulates that no one is obliged to give evidence against themselves]. Apparently, they also wanted to find whether my intentions were real,” the journalist said at the time in a conversation with DW. In early December, Duntsova reported that VTB Bank had blocked transfers to her account after she appealed to supporters to back her campaign financially.

On December 20, Duntsova submitted the paperwork to the CEC to register her initiative group, which had to have at least 500 people. As an independent candidate, she also needed to gather 300,000 signatures in at least forty regions of the Russian Federation. The Central Election Commission had to review the package of documents and make a decision within five days. There were no grounds for refusing to register the initiative group, Duntsova argued.

However, on December 23, the CEC did not register the group, claiming that it had uncovered more than one hundred errors in Duntsova’s paperwork. As an example, it cited a document in which the patronymic “Valeryevna” had been written “Valerievna.” In addition, the CEC claimed that the notary who certified the documents, in particular, erroneously reported the [internal] passport number of the organizer of the initiative group’s meeting. Earlier, inspectors from Russian Justice Ministry paid this notary a visit.

On December 25, Duntsova appealed the CEC’s refusal to allow her to collect signatures in support of her campaign for the Russian presidency by filing suit with the Supreme Court. According to Duntsova, the CEC supported its arguments “solely with an internal memo. The law does not stipulate the use of such a document in principle, so it cannot be used as the basis for the decision.”

On December 27, the Russian Supreme Court dismissed the journalist’s lawsuit against the CEC, thus making it practically impossible for Duntsova to register as a candidate for the presidential election. Theoretically, she could ran as some party’s candidate. Duntsova has already called on the Yabloko Party to hold a congress and nominate her as their presidential candidate. The party responded that they do not nominate “random individuals about whom nothing is known.”

Duntsova said she intends to consider nominations from other parties as well. She also declared her plans to create her own political party: “The party I propose to create is not the Yekaterina Duntsova party. It will be the party of all those who are in favor of peace, freedom and democracy. My goal is to launch our self-organization [sic], which will be built around many new faces, around people who share our views. In the near future we will publish a program and work on it together.” Earlier, the journalist also spoke about her willingness to join forces with presidential contender Boris Nadezhdin.

Whose candidates have been nominated to run in the presidential election

The presidential election in Russia will be held 15–17 March 2024. The incumbent head of state Vladimir Putin is running as an independent. The Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) nominated its leader Leonid Slutsky as a candidate for the highest state office. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) nominated Nikolai Kharitonov, while Civic Initiative nominated Moscow Region MP Boris Nadezhdin, and New People nominated State Duma deputy speaker Vladislav Davankov.

DW News [in Russian], 23 December 2023. The anchor interviews Yekaterina Duntsova live on air, starting at 15:44

The conservative Russian All-People’s Union decided to nominate its leader Sergei Baburin as a candidate in the upcoming presidential election. In addition, a meeting was held in Moscow to nominate Igor Strelkov (Girkin), a reserve FSB colonel and former “defense minister” of the Donetsk separatists, who has been in pretrial detention since July 2023 on charges of calling for extremist activity. Strelkov’s initiative group gathered 566 signatures from nomination meeting attendees, but the notaries did not arrive to certify them.

Source: Natalya Pozdnyakova, “What you need to know about Yekaterina Duntsova, who wanted to become president of the Russian Federation,” Deutsche Welle Russian Service, 27 December 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader. This post was made possible by a generous donation from Sumanth Gopinath.


Independent Russian presidential candidate Yekaterina Duntsova will not be permitted to appear on the ballot in the March 2024 vote after the Central Election Commission (CEC) rejected her nomination documents.

Duntsova, 40, a journalist and local politician from the Tver region northwest of Moscow, announced her bid for the presidency in November on a pro-peace, pro-democracy platform.

This week, she secured the endorsement of an initiative group of more than 500 supporters as is required for candidates not running as part of a political party.

At a meeting Saturday, the Central Election Commission (CEC) rejected her documents, saying it found over 100 typos and other errors, the Ostorozhno Novosti Telegram news channel reported.

“We have carefully studied the documents, and we have the impression that they were filled out in haste without complying with legal standards,” the BBC’s Russian service quoted CEC member Yevgeny Shevchenko as saying at the commission’s meeting.

If the CEC had accepted her documents, she would have then needed to collect 300,000 unique voter signatures from at least 40 regions of Russia to be able to appear on the ballot.

Following the meeting, Duntsova said she plans to appeal the commission’s decision in court and intends to ask the liberal Yabloko party to nominate her as a candidate.

“I want us all to believe that we will be able to take another chance. Don’t lose faith, don’t lose hope,” she said.

Duntsova’s campaign has reported several instances of pressure since she announced her bid for the presidency.

She was summoned to the prosecutor’s office to discuss her campaign and attitude toward Russia’s actions in Ukraine shortly after announcing her campaign.

One of Duntsova’s supporters was detained in the Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk after returning from the nomination meeting, according to women’s activist group Myagkaya Sila (Soft Power). The supporter, who is also a member of Myagkaya Sila, was reportedly accused of falsely filing a complaint against a police officer.

She has also faced speculation that she could be a Kremlin-endorsed spoiler candidate.

The state-run RIA Novosti news agency claimed this week without evidence that Duntsova had the financial backing of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a former oligarch turned exiled Kremlin critic.

President Vladimir Putin, 71, is expected to handily win re-election to a fifth term — keeping him in power until at least 2030 — in the March 2024 vote after the elimination of virtually all opposition.

“Yekaterina Sergeyevna, you are a young woman, you still have everything ahead of you. Any minus can always be turned into a plus. Any experience is still experience,” CEC chief Ella Pamfilova told Duntsova at the end of Saturday’s meeting.

Source: “Pro-Peace Putin Challenger Blocked from Ballot,” Moscow Times, 23 December 2023. This post was made possible by a generous donation from Sumanth Gopinath.

Made in the USSR (May Day 2023)

A man sporting a “Made in the USSR” tattoo, Liteiny Prospect, Petersburg, May 1, 2023.
Photo by Vadim F. Lurie, reproduced here with his kind permission

Victory Day is a memorable holiday for every citizen of St. Petersburg! During the celebration of the Great Victory, each of us remembers the heroic deeds of our grandfathers. In keeping with a long-established tradition, many musicians dedicate their concerts to this important date.

On May 15, the Lensovet Palace of Culture will host “Echo of Victory,” a soulful solo musical performance by Dmitry Pevtsov and the Pevtsov Orchestra.

Dmitry Pevtsov, “Echo of Victory,” 15 May, Lensovet Palace of Culture

“Echo of Victory” is a new themed concert in which poems and songs of the war years and the best songs of Soviet and modern composers will be performed. The program will feature such songs as “Airplanes First of All,” “From Dawn to Dawn,” and, of course, everyone’s favorite song, which has become a symbol of the celebration of May 9—”Victory Day”!

We invite everyone to the “Echo of Victory” concert on May 15 at the Lensovet Palace of Culture. Let’s remember the great songs of that heroic time and once again feel proud of our great nation!

Directed by Denis Isakov

Duration 1 hour 40 minutes (without intermission)

Source: Bileter.ru. Translated by the Russian Reader


The Russian authorities and Russian propagandists have been competing with each other to recreate something outwardly similar to the Soviet system in our country. The message to Russian society is simple: we are different, we have a different path, don’t look anywhere else, this is our destiny — to be unlike everyone in the world. And yet there are more and more traits of our country’s yesterday in its tomorrow.

For some reason, the speakers at the Knowledge educational forum, starting with Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, called directly for Russia’s self-isolation. Mishustin demanded that we achieve independence from foreign designs in the information sphere. The word “independence” has been increasingly used to mean isolation and breaking ties.

Deputies in the State Duma have proposed re-establishing the mandatory three-year “repayment through job placement” for university graduates, and prohibiting those who have not served in the army from working in the civil service.

With Ella Pamfilova, head of the Russian Central Elections Commission, on hand as a friendly observer, Uzbekistan held a referendum on April 30 to decide whether to adopt a new constitution that would grant the current president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the right to de facto lifelong rule by lengthening presidential terms from five to seven years and nullifying Mirziyoyev’s previous terms. The ballot, which involved digital technologies, produced a turnout of 84.54%, and according to preliminary data, 90.21% of voters said yes to the amendments, which would change two-thirds of the Constitution, while 9.35% of voters voted no, and 0.49% of the ballots were disqualified. Although democratic procedures were seemingly followed, Uzbekistan is moving away from democracy.

Something makes us see Pamfilova’s visit to Uzbekistan not only as a trip “to strengthen friendship and cooperation,” but also as a completely practical exchange of know-how in organizing such referendums. Only by adopting a new constitution can the first and second chapters of the current Russian Constitution be amended, and it is the second chapter that enshrines civil rights and freedoms, we should recall.

Alexander Bastrykin, the prominent human rights activist and chair of the Russian Investigative Committee, has proposed adopting a new Russian constitution that would enshrine a state ideology, completely eliminate international law’s precendence over domestic law, and re-envision human rights as an institution alien and hostile to Russia, as something encroaching on its sovereignty. Uzbekistan’s know-how in voting on a new constitution will come in handy for the Russian Central Election Commission.

At seven o’clock this evening live on Citizen TV, we will talk about why, exactly, the Russian authorities are so enthusiastic about Soviet political practice and the Soviet style, and where such intentions can lead our country.

Source: Citizen TV (YouTube), 1 May 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader


Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed with the need [for Russia] to develop its own communication protocols instead of foreign TCP/IP to ensure the country’s technological sovereignty and independence.

On Thursday, the head of state held an event at the Rudnevo Industrial Park during which the specifics of the development of domestic unmanned aerial systems were discussed. In this context, Alexander Selyutin, board chair of the Technojet group, spoke about the “Internet from Russia” project.

After listening to the proposals, Putin turned to his aide Maxim Oreshkin.

“Maxim Stanislavovich, talk to your colleagues, then report back to me separately, we need to help. This is obligatory, because if you have advanced proposals, your own, of course, we need to do everything to support them. It means technological sovereignty, and better competitiveness, and independence. […] We will definitely help,” the president said.

Source: “Putin supports creation of Russian communication protocols as alternative to foreign ones: head of state held event at Rudnevo Industrial Park where specifics of developing domestic unmanned aerial systems were discussed,” TASS, 27 April 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader. Thanks to Lev Schlosberg for the heads-up.


Those wishing to take part in a virtual LDPR rally at the monument to Vladimir Zhirinovsky created in Minecraft have overloaded the server. The number of applications exceeded twelve thousand, LDPR’s press service informed us.

As Andrei Svintsov, a member of the LDPR faction [in the State Duma], noted, this is only the first such event. The Liberal Democrats plan to continue using [Minecraft] and other gaming platforms to communicate with voters and attract new supporters, becoming in fact “Russia’s first digital party.”

The MP also recalled that experts continue to work on the “Cyber Zhirinovsky” political algorithm, which was previously announced by the party’s current leader Leonid Slutsky.

Photo: Official LDPR Telegram channel

Source: TASS (Telegram), 1 May 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader


In late April, Judge Yevgenia Nikolayeva closed a court hearing at which it was decided how much time to give Alexei Navalny to examine the 196 volumes of the latest criminal case against him. According to the police investigator, this was necessary in order to protect investigatory privilege.

Navalny’s case is not unique. There have been other such decisions recently. Judges closed a court hearing on the killing of the blogger Vladlen Tatarsky, decided the fates of conscientious objectors without witnesses present, ruled on pretrial restrictions in absentia for journalist Ilya Krasilchik, and extended the arrest of politician Vladimir Kara-Murza.

Over the past five years, judges in Russia have increasingly closed court hearings to observers, journalists, and even relatives of defendants. Because of this, defense lawyers cannot inform the public about what happens in these proceedings. Mediazona reviewed the judicial statistics and discovered that, in 2022, judges ruled 25,587 times to hear cases in closed chambers. This was almost twice as often as in 2018, when judges decided 13,172 times to hear cases without outsiders present.

The Constitution actually guarantees that your case should be heard in open court, but there are exceptions. The principal exceptions are cases involving state secrets (which is why all treason and espionage trials are closed), cases against defendants under sixteen years of age, and cases involving sexual offenses. The statistics for all such cases have not changed much in recent years.

But there is one more exception — a trial can be closed to “ensure the safety” of the people involved in the proceedings and their loved ones. This extremely vague wording allows judges to close any court hearing. Judges make vigorous use of it, especially when hearing high-profile cases.

Here’s another example. In September, the Moscow City Court closed the hearing of an appeal against the verdict in the “fake news” trial of municipal district council deputy Alexei Gorinov, who had been sentenced to seven years in prison for an argument over a children’s drawing contest in which he had said that children were dying in the war in Ukraine The judge alleged that the court had received threats, and said that the hearing would have to be closed for the safety of the parties to the proceedings.

Russian judges may be following the lead of their Belarusian colleagues, who have learned how to conduct political trials without outside scrutiny. They cite covid regulations, or fill the gallery with persons unknown, or don’t let anyone except the relatives of the defendants in the courtroom. Russian courts have begun to use many of these methods. And the Belarusian courts can declare a hearing closed without explaining the reasons at all.

The authorities do not want people to know about political trials, to monitor these trials, or to support the accused. That is why, on the contrary, it is important for society today to talk about political prisoners and help them.

Source: I Don’t Get It email newsletter (Mediazona), 1 May 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader


A Russian version of the song by the French left-wing chansonnier Georges Moustaki. Translation: Kirill Medvedev. Guitar: Oleg Zhuravlev. Video: Nikolay Oleynikov

Don’t ask what her name is, she’s
Beloved and tender, but fickle
Very spunky, she’ll wake up and go forward
To a new life that shines and sings

Bullied and branded
Tortured and executed
Well, how much can she suffer!
And she rises up and strikes,
And spends many, many years in prison,
Yes, we betrayed her
But we only love her more and more
And so we want to follow her
Right to the end

What her name is, don’t ask, my friend,
She’s just a mayflower and a wild fruit
She sprouts anywhere, like grass
Her path will take her wherever she wishes

Don’t ask what her name is, she’s
Sometimes beloved, sometimes persecuted, but faithful
This girl that everyone is waiting for
Permanent revolution is her name

Original song by Georges Moustaki

Source: Arkady Kots Group (YouTube), 1 May 2023. Translated by the Russian Reader

Leviathan

DSCN4214“Precinct Election Commission for Polling Station No. 2218.” This is the innocent-looking sign the leviathan that has strangled democracy, including free elections, in Russia puts out to signal its presence. It achieves victory over earnest voters and honest election observers, some of whom valiantly serve on such commissions, by killing them with a hundred thousand cuts. Writ large, the flagrant tricks and shady practices used by neighborhood and local election officials add up to national elections that are rigged from top to bottom. Although this trickery has been well documented by independent observers, Russian reporters, and researchers, the sheer weight of it somehow has never made an impression on western journalists, who continue to write as if Putin’s popularity were a scientifically proven fact instead of carefully crafted mixture of massive coercion and hoodwinking. Photo by the Russian Reader

Central Election Commission Does Not Accredit 4,500 Presidential Election Observers Affiliated with Navalny 
Mediazona
March 7, 2018

The Russian Central Election Commission (CEC) has refused to accredit 4,500 presidential election observers affiliated with the news website Leviathan, created by Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation. Navalny has written about the incident on his Telegram channel.

“We were suddenly told today that [Leviathan] had been shut down by the court, and the CEC would not accredit it. Earlier we have received accreditation for 4,500 observers affiliated with Leviathan. Now they are left without accreditation. Even [Vladimir] Churov [the previous CEC chair, replaced in 2016 by Ella Pamfilova] didn’t do such things,” wrote Navalny.

In addition, the CEC has refused accrediate observers affiliated with the online publication Molniya (“Lightning”), which sponsors election observers from the Golos Movement for the Defense of Voters’ Rights.

Golos co-chair Grigory Melkonyants confirmed to Mediazona there were problems with accrediting election observers registered by Molniya. He said that 850 people who had signed contracts with Molniya in October 2017 were at issue.

Molniya submitted accreditation applications to the CEC two weeks ago. The CEC informed them that it had sent them a written reply by post. Melkonyants said that in the the past the CEC would always simply invite Golos to come to its offices and pick up the accreditation papers. Now, on the contrary, the commission’s decision is unknown: they would have to wait for the letter to arrive. Melkonyants believes this testifies to the likelihood the Molniya observers will have their accreditation requests rejected.

However, he noted it was still possible to register as an observer affiliated with a particular candidate, and Golos was now working on this.

Translated by the Russian Reader. Thanks to Comrade GMV for the heads-up