In this tragic hour, we declare our strategic goals to be the cessation of aggression against Ukraine and the creation of a free, law-governed, federated Russia. To accomplish this, we deem it necessary to coordinate our actions more vigorously. We declare our commitment to the following principled positions:
1. The war against Ukraine is criminal. Russian troops must be withdrawn from all occupied territories. Russia’s internationally recognized borders must be reinstated. War criminals must be brought to justice, and compensation must be paid to the victims of the aggression.
2. The Putin regime is illegitimate and criminal. Therefore, it must be eliminated. We envision Russia as a country in which the rights and freedoms of individuals are guaranteed, and in which the possibility of usurping state power is excluded.
3. The pursuit of imperialist policies inside and outside the country is unacceptable.
4. Political prisoners and prisoners of war should be released, forcibly displaced persons should be able to return home, and abducted Ukrainian children should be returned to Ukraine.
5. We express our solidarity with those Russians who, despite the monstrous crackdown, have had the courage to publicly voice anti-Putin and anti-war stances, and with those tens of millions who refuse to be accomplices in the regime’s crimes.
The signatories of the Declaration espouse the values of a democratic society and respectful discussion. They acknowledge human rights and freedoms and the principles of diversity and equality, and they reject discrimination.
The signatories refrain from public conflicts within the democratic and the anti-war movements.
We commit ourselves to supporting this Declaration until our common strategic goals have been achieved.
Berlin, 30 April 2023
Signed publicly by:
La Asociación de Rusos Libres (Spain)
Stuttgart Activist Group
The Flame of Freedom Movement
Мedia Partisans
Russie-Libertés (France)
Mikhail Khodorkovsky, politician
Yevgeny Chichvarkin, member of the Russian Action Committee
Garry Kasparov, co-founder of the Free Russia Forum, Russian Action Committee
Boris Zimin
Yevgenia Chirikova
Anastasia Burakova, founder of the Ark
Sergey Aleksashenko
Yulia Latynina, writer, journalist
Alfred Koch
Mark Feygin
Sergei Guriev
Dmitry Gudkov, politician
Yevgeny Kiselyov
Kirill Rogov
Ivan Tyutrin
Maxim Reznik
Elena Lukyanova
Andrei Illarionov
Leonid Gozman
Demyan Kudryavtsev
Yuri Pivovarov, historian
Marat Guelman, SLOVONOVO Forum of Russian Culture in Europe
[and 64 other signatories]
Source: Change.org. Thanks to Boris Romanov for the heads-up. Translated by the Russian Reader
Cheap Trick, “Surrender” (1978)
[Intro]
[Verse 1]
Mother told me, yes, she told me
I'd meet girls like you
She also told me, "Stay away
You'll never know what you'll catch"
Just the other day I heard
Of a soldier's falling off
Some Indonesian junk
That's going 'round
[Chorus]
Mommy's alright
Daddy's alright
They just seem a little weird
Surrender
Surrender
But don't give yourself away
Hey, hey
[Verse 2]
Father says, "Your mother's right
She's really up on things
Before we married, Mommy served
In the WACS in the Philippines”
Now, I had heard the WACs recruited
Old maids for the war
But Mommy isn't one of those
I've known her all these years
[Chorus]
Mommy's alright
Daddy's alright
They just seem a little weird
Surrender
Surrender
But don't give yourself away
Hey, hey
[Verse 3]
Whatever happened to all this season's
Losers of the year?
Every time I got to thinking
Where'd they disappear?
But then I woke up, Mom and Dad
Are rolling on the couch
Rolling numbers, rock and rollin'
Got my KISS records out
[Chorus]
Mommy's alright
Daddy's alright
They just seem a little weird
Surrender
Surrender
But don't give yourself away
Hey, hey
Away
Away
[Outro]
Surrender (Mommy's all right)
Surrender (Daddy's all right)
But don't give yourself away
Surrender (Mommy's all right)
Surrender (Daddy's all right)
But don't give yourself away
Surrender (Mommy's all right)
Surrender (Daddy's all right)
But don't give yourself away
Surrender (Bun E.’s alright)
Surrender (Tommy’s alright)
But don't give yourself away (Robin’s alright, Rick’s alright)
Surrender (We’re all alright)
Surrender (We’re all alright)
But don't give yourself away (We’re all alright, We’re all alright)
Surrender (Mommy's all right)
Surrender (Daddy's all right)
But don't give yourself away
Surrender (Mommy's all right)
Surrender (Daddy's all right)
But don't give yourself away
A man sporting a “Made in the USSR” tattoo, Liteiny Prospect, Petersburg, May 1, 2023. Photo by Vadim F. Lurie, reproduced here with his kind permission
Victory Day is a memorable holiday for every citizen of St. Petersburg! During the celebration of the Great Victory, each of us remembers the heroic deeds of our grandfathers. In keeping with a long-established tradition, many musicians dedicate their concerts to this important date.
On May 15, the Lensovet Palace of Culture will host “Echo of Victory,” a soulful solo musical performance by Dmitry Pevtsov and the Pevtsov Orchestra.
Dmitry Pevtsov, “Echo of Victory,” 15 May, Lensovet Palace of Culture
“Echo of Victory” is a new themed concert in which poems and songs of the war years and the best songs of Soviet and modern composers will be performed. The program will feature such songs as “Airplanes First of All,” “From Dawn to Dawn,” and, of course, everyone’s favorite song, which has become a symbol of the celebration of May 9—”Victory Day”!
We invite everyone to the “Echo of Victory” concert on May 15 at the Lensovet Palace of Culture. Let’s remember the great songs of that heroic time and once again feel proud of our great nation!
Directed by Denis Isakov
Duration 1 hour 40 minutes (without intermission)
Source: Bileter.ru. Translated by the Russian Reader
The Russian authorities and Russian propagandists have been competing with each other to recreate something outwardly similar to the Soviet system in our country. The message to Russian society is simple: we are different, we have a different path, don’t look anywhere else, this is our destiny — to be unlike everyone in the world. And yet there are more and more traits of our country’s yesterday in its tomorrow.
For some reason, the speakers at the Knowledge educational forum, starting with Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, called directly for Russia’s self-isolation. Mishustin demanded that we achieve independence from foreign designs in the information sphere. The word “independence” has been increasingly used to mean isolation and breaking ties.
Deputies in the State Duma have proposed re-establishing the mandatory three-year “repayment through job placement” for university graduates, and prohibiting those who have not served in the army from working in the civil service.
With Ella Pamfilova, head of the Russian Central Elections Commission, on hand as a friendly observer, Uzbekistan held a referendum on April 30 to decide whether to adopt a new constitution that would grant the current president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, the right to de facto lifelong rule by lengthening presidential terms from five to seven years and nullifying Mirziyoyev’s previous terms. The ballot, which involved digital technologies, produced a turnout of 84.54%, and according to preliminary data, 90.21% of voters said yes to the amendments, which would change two-thirds of the Constitution, while 9.35% of voters voted no, and 0.49% of the ballots were disqualified. Although democratic procedures were seemingly followed, Uzbekistan is moving away from democracy.
Something makes us see Pamfilova’s visit to Uzbekistan not only as a trip “to strengthen friendship and cooperation,” but also as a completely practical exchange of know-how in organizing such referendums. Only by adopting a new constitution can the first and second chapters of the current Russian Constitution be amended, and it is the second chapter that enshrines civil rights and freedoms, we should recall.
Alexander Bastrykin, the prominent human rights activist and chair of the Russian Investigative Committee, has proposed adopting a new Russian constitution that would enshrine a state ideology, completely eliminate international law’s precendence over domestic law, and re-envision human rights as an institution alien and hostile to Russia, as something encroaching on its sovereignty. Uzbekistan’s know-how in voting on a new constitution will come in handy for the Russian Central Election Commission.
At seven o’clock this evening live on Citizen TV, we will talk about why, exactly, the Russian authorities are so enthusiastic about Soviet political practice and the Soviet style, and where such intentions can lead our country.
Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed with the need [for Russia] to develop its own communication protocols instead of foreign TCP/IP to ensure the country’s technological sovereignty and independence.
On Thursday, the head of state held an event at the Rudnevo Industrial Park during which the specifics of the development of domestic unmanned aerial systems were discussed. In this context, Alexander Selyutin, board chair of the Technojet group, spoke about the “Internet from Russia” project.
After listening to the proposals, Putin turned to his aide Maxim Oreshkin.
“Maxim Stanislavovich, talk to your colleagues, then report back to me separately, we need to help. This is obligatory, because if you have advanced proposals, your own, of course, we need to do everything to support them. It means technological sovereignty, and better competitiveness, and independence. […] We will definitely help,” the president said.
Those wishing to take part in a virtual LDPR rally at the monument to Vladimir Zhirinovsky created in Minecraft have overloaded the server. The number of applications exceeded twelve thousand, LDPR’s press service informed us.
As Andrei Svintsov, a member of the LDPR faction [in the State Duma], noted, this is only the first such event. The Liberal Democrats plan to continue using [Minecraft] and other gaming platforms to communicate with voters and attract new supporters, becoming in fact “Russia’s first digital party.”
The MP also recalled that experts continue to work on the “Cyber Zhirinovsky” political algorithm, which was previously announced by the party’s current leader Leonid Slutsky.
In late April, Judge Yevgenia Nikolayeva closed a court hearing at which it was decided how much time to give Alexei Navalny to examine the 196 volumes of the latest criminal case against him. According to the police investigator, this was necessary in order to protect investigatory privilege.
Over the past five years, judges in Russia have increasingly closed court hearings to observers, journalists, and even relatives of defendants. Because of this, defense lawyers cannot inform the public about what happens in these proceedings. Mediazona reviewed the judicial statistics and discovered that, in 2022, judges ruled 25,587 times to hear cases in closed chambers. This was almost twice as often as in 2018, when judges decided 13,172 times to hear cases without outsiders present.
The Constitution actually guarantees that your case should be heard in open court, but there are exceptions. The principal exceptions are cases involving state secrets (which is why all treason and espionage trials are closed), cases against defendants under sixteen years of age, and cases involving sexual offenses. The statistics for all such cases have not changed much in recent years.
But there is one more exception — a trial can be closed to “ensure the safety” of the people involved in the proceedings and their loved ones. This extremely vague wording allows judges to close any court hearing. Judges make vigorous use of it, especially when hearing high-profile cases.
Here’s another example. In September, the Moscow City Court closed the hearing of an appeal against the verdict in the “fake news” trial of municipal district council deputy Alexei Gorinov, who had been sentenced to seven years in prison for an argument over a children’s drawing contest in which he had said that children were dying in the war in Ukraine The judge alleged that the court had received threats, and said that the hearing would have to be closed for the safety of the parties to the proceedings.
Russian judges may be following the lead of their Belarusian colleagues, who have learned how to conduct political trials without outside scrutiny. They cite covid regulations, or fill the gallery with persons unknown, or don’t let anyone except the relatives of the defendants in the courtroom. Russian courts have begun to use many of these methods. And the Belarusian courts can declare a hearing closed without explaining the reasons at all.
The authorities do not want people to know about political trials, to monitor these trials, or to support the accused. That is why, on the contrary, it is important for society today to talk about political prisoners and help them.
A Russian version of the song by the French left-wing chansonnier Georges Moustaki. Translation: Kirill Medvedev. Guitar: Oleg Zhuravlev. Video: Nikolay Oleynikov
Don’t ask what her name is, she’s Beloved and tender, but fickle Very spunky, she’ll wake up and go forward To a new life that shines and sings
Bullied and branded Tortured and executed Well, how much can she suffer! And she rises up and strikes, And spends many, many years in prison, Yes, we betrayed her But we only love her more and more And so we want to follow her Right to the end
What her name is, don’t ask, my friend, She’s just a mayflower and a wild fruit She sprouts anywhere, like grass Her path will take her wherever she wishes
Don’t ask what her name is, she’s Sometimes beloved, sometimes persecuted, but faithful This girl that everyone is waiting for Permanent revolution is her name
